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Journal of the Acoustical Society of America

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Jun 1977

Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S1-S96

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back to top Session P. Speech Communication II: Acoustic Analysis, Physiology
Contributed Papers
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The effect of F0 on the duration of [s] (A)

Eric Zee

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S30-S30 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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The purpose of the study was to determine whether the duration of the prevocalic fricative is influence by the tone of the following vowel. Three Taiwanese tones, low‐falling, low‐rising, and high‐falling, were used in this study. All three tones occur on the syllable [si] in this dialect. The duration of the fricative of [s] in each [si] syllable was measured. Results revealed that there is a direct correlation between the duration of the frication and F0 of the following vowel: the duration is longer for fricatives associated with low‐rising and low‐falling tones than for the ones associated with high‐falling tone. The results may shed light upon the temporal organization of speech production in a tone language, such as Taiwanese. The vocalic portion of the CV, [si], is longer for a rising tone than for either a low‐falling or high‐falling tone in Taiwanese (Zee and Hombert, 1976). Consequently, the duration of syllables containing a low‐rising tone is substantially longer than syllables containing a high‐falling tone, and correlatively, the duration of syllables containing a low‐falling tone is longer than a high‐falling tone. Thus, the duration of the syllable, [si], varies according to the tonal difference of the vowel. [Research supported by NSF.]
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Acoustic characteristics of intervocalic dentals (A)

Victor W. Zue and Martha Laferriere

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S30-S31 (1977); (2 pages)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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The dental stops /t,d/ in English can be realized in a variety of manners when they appear intervocalically. The exact nature or the acoustic realizations depends on the stress pattern surrounding the stops, the nature of the neighboring sonorants and vowels, and the underlying features of the following syllabic consonants. For example, /t,d/ could be realized in their respective canonic forms with a closure and a release (attorney, adore), as a glottal stop (cotton), a flap (writer, rider), or a nasal‐released stop (garden). This study attempts to quantify the acoustic characteristics of the intervocalic dentals as a function of the phonetic environments. The data consist of some 3000 word tokens, each embedded in a carrier phrase, recorded in two separate sessions by six subjects, three male and three female. Each word, either bi‐ or polysyllabic, contains /t/ or /d/ in all phonetic environments mentioned earlier. With spectrographic and computer‐aided analysis, the temporal and spectral characteristics of the dental stops are examined in detail. These results will be presented and possible formulation of phonological rules will be suggested.
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Flapping rule in American English: an acoustic study (A)

Martha Laferriere and Victor W. Zue

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S31-S31 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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This study presents a detailed acoustic description of the /t, d/ flaps in American English, and the implications of this description for the formulation of phonological rules. The data base, a subset of the utterances described in the previous paper, contains minimal pairs of the types metal/medal, and polysyllabic words such as critical/medical. Our results show that dentals commonly labeled “flaps” fall into more than one category. For example, the durations and onset spectra of the /t/'s in waited and seating are measurably different, indicating a possible difference in the underlying production mechanisms. Our quantitative results suggest a reevaluation of the so‐called flapping rule and its interaction with other phonological processes such as nasal deletion (as in winter) and vowel lengthing (as in waited/waded).
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Coarticulation effects in Russian VCV utterances (A)

Edward T. Purcell

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S31-S31 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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Öman [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 39, 151–168 (1966)], based on the speech of one informant reading a limited corpus, found that coarticulation effects between successive vowels did not occur in Russian VCV utterances. The present paper reports on a portion of the results of an expanded study of coarticulation and formant frequency interactions in Russian.
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Observation of personal characteristics of lingual articulation by use of electro‐palatography (A)

H. Itoh and S. Hiki

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S31-S31 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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Lingual contact to palate was observed utilizing electro‐palatography in the utterances of Japanese monosyllables, words and sentences by fifteen adult subjects (nine males and six females). Based on the palatograms recorded with sixty‐four electrodes at every 20 msec and the measurements of the three‐dimensional shape of the plaster cast of the subjects' palates, personal characteristics of the lingual articulations of Japanese vowels and consonants and their coarticulatory effects were analyzed. Changes in the characteristics of lingual articulations of children caused by the growth of their palates were also observed, and the points to be considered for making the artificial palates in the application of the electro‐palatography to the speech training of hearing‐impaired children were discussed as well.
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Measurement and analysis techniques for the description of palatal shape (A)

Martin J. McCutcheon, Akira Hasegawa, and Samuel G. Fletcher

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S31-S31 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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Descriptions of the spatial features of linguapalatal contact during speech production require accurate measurement of the shape of the palatal surface and location of contact electrodes. A technique is described for three‐dimensional measurements utilizing stone models cast from impressions of a speaker's mouth. Measurements of the coordinates of points on the surface of the maxillary molars allow the calculation of a reference plane analogous to the occlusal plane derived from lateral x rays. Measured coordinate values with respect to this plane are used in an orthogonal function analysis to obtain parameters for the palatal surface description. Typical results and applications are illustrated and discussed. [Supported by NIH Grant NS‐11852‐01A from NINDCDS.]
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Lip and mandible coordination during the production of bilabial and labiodental consonants in English (A)

Akira Hasegawa, Martin J. McCutcheon, and Samuel G. Fletcher

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S31-S31 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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The production of bilabial and labiodental consonants requires a major articulatory constriction in the most anterior part of the vocal tract. This constriction is formed by the movements of the lips and mandible. Experiments were conducted to examine lip and mandible movements during the production of /p, b, m, f, v, w/ in a VCV context (V = /a/). Reflectors (< 1.3 mm in diameter) were placed on the subject's lips and on rigid wires attached to a mandibular tooth and the head. Reflector displacements on the midsagittal plane together with voice spectra were digitized and recorded every 10 msec. The locations of the reflectors with respect to the maxillary incisors were analyzed after correcting for head movements. Inter‐ and intrasound production characteristics of these consonants will be discussed according to the displacement and velocity values of lip and mandibular movements. [Supported by NIR Grant NS‐11852‐01A from NINDCDS.]
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Peak magnitudes of supraglottal air pressure associated with affricated and nonaffricated stop consonant productions in Hindi (A)

R. Prakash Dixit, W. S. Brown, Jr., and R. E. McGlone

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S31-S31 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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Peak magnitudes of supraglottal air pressure, under a variety of conditions, were obtained during stop productions from three normal adult speakers of Hindi. The stops were produced in CVCVC nonsense utterances which were embedded in the carrier phrase, “ye—hae.” Significant differences in peak magnitudes were found as a function of the place of articulation of a stop and its position in an utterance. Peak magnitudes were always significantly higher for unvoiced stops than for voiced stops. Aspirated stops, in general, showed higher peak magnitudes than unaspirated stops, but a significant level of difference in peak magnitudes was reached only under voiced conditions. Differences in peak magnitudes as a function of stress were significant under voiced conditions; under unvoiced conditions the differences were less pronounced.
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Preliminary report on a jitter extraction system (A)

E. T. Doherty

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S31-S32 (1977); (2 pages)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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Vocal jitter, the cycle‐to‐cycle variation in the frequency of vibration of the vocal folds, may be an effective indicator of the operational state of that mechanism. Thus far, calculation of the amount of jitter produced in the laryngeal wave has been a rather tedious process. The jitter extraction system proposed here is based on a special application of the fundamental frequency indicator (FFI) at the Institute for Advanced Study of the Communication Processes. Since the most recent models of FFI are capable of providing a reasonably precise determination of the duration of each cycle (of the glottal source wave), it is possible to modify the computational aspect of that system to measure also the difference in the duration of successive periods. Validation of this approach to vocal jitter analysis is based upon a comparison with a technique using high‐speed photography of oscillographic traces reported by H. Hollien, J. Michel and E.T. Doherty [“A method for analyzing vocal jitter in sustained phonation,” J. Phonet. 1, 85–91 (1973)]. Such validation provides evidence that FFI can be utilized as the basis of a rapid and efficient jitter analysis system.
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Simulation and classification of glottal waveforms (A)

I. R. Titze and D. T. Talkin

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S32-S32 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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Glottal volume velocity and glottal transconductance are simulated with a computer model of the vocal folds. The simulated glottal transconductance is shown to be a facsimile of electroglottographic and ultrasonic waveforms recorded by other investigators. The control parameters of the model are cricothyroid contraction, thyroarytenoid contraction, subglottal pressure, and contraction of the primary adductor‐abductors. A variety of glottal waveforms are generated by different combinations of these control parameters, demonstrating quantitatively the effects of contracting laryngeal muscles on voice production. We note that the primary mechanical links between neuromuscular control and acoustic out‐put are laryngeal configuration and viscoelastic tissue properties. Qualitative (perceptual) effects of simulated phonation bear this out.
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Estimation of laryngeal control parameters from glottal waveforms (A)

D. T. Talkin and I. R. Titze

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S32-S32 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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Clinical assessment of phonatory skills and laryngeal abnormalities would be facilitated ff a method of relating laryngeal muscular control and glottal configuration to glottal waveforms could be found. A computer model of the vocal folds, described earlier, which uses control parameters closely related to laryngeal muscular contractions, and which allows for sufficient flexibility in tissue properties and configuration, has been used to generate prototype waveforms of glottal transconductance and glottal volume velocity. The relationship between model control parameters and the resultant waveforms is determined by multiple regression. Success in predicting model control parameters from waveform parameters is demonstrated, and the applicability of this method to clinical situations is discussed.
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Formant frequencies corresponding to different vocal tract shapes (A)

Peter Ladefoged and Lloyd Rice

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S32-S32 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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A computer model was used to generate the formant frequencies corresponding to different vocal tract shapes. The degree of lip opening was varied exponentially in five steps. The tongue position was varied in equal steps in accordance with the two factors previously found to underlie English vowels. Sets of approximately 1500 different vocal tract shapes were generated, the exact number in each set depending on how the limits of possible vowels are determined. The formants of these sets of vowels are not evenly distributed throughout the ferment space. A high proportion of them are in the area of the front vowels from [i] to [æ]. In most cases ferment frequencies that differ by small amounts are associated with vocal tract shapes that also differ by small amounts. But there are also cases in which a set of formant frequencies can be produced with very different vocal tract shapes, usually because differences in lip positions compensate for differences in tongue shapes. [Work supported by NSF Grant 75‐07158.]
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Sibilant production: three‐dimensional reconstruction of normal articulatory constriction using dental impression material (A)

George D. Allen

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S32-S32 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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Theoretical models of airway constriction for sibilants make assumptions which may or may not be justified and which are difficult to extend to pathological cases such as malocclusion. In an attempt to determine the exact shape of the constriction, fast‐setting dental impression material was placed in the mouths of normal English speaking adults, who then attained and held articulatory positions for /s/ and /æ/. The impressions thus formed were then sectioned to obtain successive cross‐sectional areas. There is wide variability among normal speakers in the observed cross‐sectional area patterns, and an attempt will be made to relate these differences to variations in air flow and pressure and the resulting acoustic signal. [Supported by NIH Grant No. 1 R01 DE04267.]
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Acoustic reasons why labio‐velars are both labials and velars (A)

John J. Ohala and James Lorentz

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S32-S32 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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The phonological literature reveals an interesting asymmetry in the behavior of labio‐velar speech sounds, i.e., w, u, kp, gb, etc., namely, that when nasalized or determining the place of articulation via assimilation of adjacent nasal consonants, they behave primarily like velars not labials, whereas when they become fricativized or determine the place of articulation of adjacent fricatives, they behave primarily like labials, not velars. The reasons for this will be explained by reference to well‐known principles of acoustic phonetics. It will be shown that for nasals the most important of multiple oral constrictions is the rear‐most constriction whereas in the case of fricatives it is the front‐most constriction which is most important in determining the characteristics of the output sound. This case is offered as another example of the application of physics to philology. [Supported by National Science Foundation.]
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Vertical larynx position in whispered speech (A)

Carol Riordan

J. Acoust. Soc. Am. Volume 61, Issue S1, pp. S32-S32 (1977); (1 page)

Online Publication Date: 11 Aug 2005

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A number of studies have shown that vertical larynx position varies depending on the vowel or consonant uttered. Voiceless stops, for example, are generally produced with a higher larynx than their voiced cognates. It is not clear, however, whether the larynx is perturbed upward for voiceless stops or downward for the voiced stops. The latter possibility is suggested by the increase in pharyngeal cavity size for voiced stop articulation, presumably to maintain the transgottal flow necessary for voicing [Bell‐Berti, 1975], and by the similarity in larynx height data for sonorants and voiceless stops [Ewan, 1976]. The present experiment is designed to determine the effect on larynx height of sounds with aerodynamic requirements different from those of stops. Vertical larynx position is monitored photoelectrically while English speakers produce intervocalic /t, d, n, l, r, f, v, s, z/ first under normal speech conditions and then in whisper. Implications of these results are discussed. [Supported by NSF and the Veterans Medical Service.]
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